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Abstract New Economies of Sex and Intimacy in Vietnam by Kimberly Kay Hoang Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology and the Designated Emphasis in Women, Gender, and Sexuality University of California, Berkeley Professor Raka Ray, Chair Over the past two decades, scholars have paid particular attention to the growth of global sex tourism, a trade marked by convergence between the global and local production and consumption of sexual services. In the increasingly global economy, the movement of people and capital around the world creates new segments of sex work, with diverse groups of consumers and providers. This dissertation examines the dialectical link between intimacy and political economy. I examine how changes in the global economy structure relations of intimacy between clients and sex workers and how intimacy can be a vital form of currency that shapes economic and political relations. I trace new economies of sex and intimacy in Vietnam by moving from daily worlds of sex work in Ho Chi Minh City HCMC to incorporate a more structural and historical analysis. Drawing on 15 months of ethnography working as a bartender and hostess I analyze four different bars that cater to wealthy local Vietnamese men and their Asian business partners, overseas Vietnamese men living in the diaspora, Western expatriates, and Western budget travelers. Drawing on informal interviews with 90 clients and 90 sex workers across four niche markets of HCMCs sex industry, my dissertation incorporates three levels of analysis. I show how contemporary processes of globalization re-stratify an already stratified sex industry in HCMC, as well as how the industry is a vital player in the generation of business. Vietnams opening to foreign direct investment since Doi Moi in has created a domestic super-lite, connected to the levers of political power, who channel incoming foreign capital to specific projects in real estate and manufacturing. For this super-lite, conspicuous consumption provides both a lexicon of distinction and a means of communicating hospitality to potential investors from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other East Asian countries and, using a different symbolic vocabulary, to Western investors. A new, ultra-high-end tier of sex workers has emerged in tandem with the emergence of this new group of clients. These sex workers only succeed to the extent that they can deploy the right vocabularies of consumption and sexuality in an elaborate. They are valued not only for their beauty, but also for their ability to help their clients project masculinity, deference, and collegiality in the specific context of entertaining foreign investors they must also be able to modify this performance for East Asian clients as well as white clients. As a result, racialized desires, social status, business success, and hope for upward mobility are all played out in the bars of HCMC. The same is true in the middle and lower tiers of the industry, but in radically different ways. In short, HCMCs sex industry is not just a microcosm of the global economy, but also a vector shaping financial globalization itself. I examine how sex workers, male clients, bar owners, mommies formally known as madams , and the police all work to create and maintain certain types of raced and gendered hierarchies according to the niche in which they are involved. I also focus on the practices of everyday life in the bars and examine how men and women construct their relations with each other, which lead to different kinds of intimate and emotional relationships that sometimes allow women to experience mobility, but at other times are self-destructive. Sex work, I argue, provides a unique lens through which to examine not only how transformations in the global economy reshape intimate life but also how the emotional intimacy and not merely sex provided by sex workers serves as an important currency in transnational business deals. Comparing four niche markets within HCMCs sex industry, I found that local Vietnamese men and their Asian business partners participate in business-related entertainment while Western expatriates, in contrast, participate in HCMCs sex industry for recreational purposes outside of work. Racialized desires, status, business success, and hope for upward mobility are all played out in the bars of HCMC, where dreams and deals are traded. This sex industry is not just a microcosm of the global economy it also helps fuel its growth. To my parents Richard Men Hoang and Nancy Ha Hoang who have made countless sacrifices in their own lives so that I could chase after my dreams. I am humbled by your grace, dedication, and extraordinary courage. Acknowledgments This dissertation project has taken me on an incredible journey filled with high highs, low lows, some tears, and a lot of laughter.
